Bringing Them Home: National Inquiry into the Separation of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Children from Their Families

The Human Rights and Equal Opportunity Commission


Questions and Answers about 'Stolen Children'
Because the Inquiry into the Separation of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Children from Their Families deals with unfamiliar issues and events, it raises many questions for the Australian public. The following are some of the commonly asked questions and the types of answers that come out of the Report.

All this happened in the past. What we need to do is focus on the present and the future - not dwell on the past.

People mistakenly believe that taking children away was something that only happened in the distant past. Policies of removal were operating throughout this century, right up until the 1970’s. That means that Aboriginal people now their late twenties and early thirties were taken from their families.

The past that the report deals with is very much with us today - continuing to devastate the lives of people who were removed and their families. Those who were themselves removed, their families and all Indigenous communities continue to live with the legacy of removal.

The negative consequences of removing children cannot be underestimated. For the majority of witnesses to the Inquiry, the effects have been multiple and profoundly disabling.

Nor do the effects stop with the children removed - removal policies continue to resound through the generations of Indigenous families . The Inquiry found that a high proportion of stolen children themselves have children with problems. This may show up in small children in sleep and eating difficulties, in older children in behavioural problems and in adolescents in substance abuse, violence, depression, promiscuity, self-harm and suicide. The tragedy of this inheritance is that a high proportion of these children are themselves removed, and in turn their own children are removed.

The Inquiry found that Indigenous children are still being removed today. Indigenous children are six times more likely to be removed for child welfare reasons and 21 times more likely to be in juvenile detention than non-Indigenous children.


 

Australians who are alive today cannot be held responsible for what other people did in the past. We shouldn’t have a black armband view of history and be made to feel guilty for what we did not do.

For Australians today to understand why we are implicated in past policies, we need to draw a distinction between the direct responsibility we bear for our personal actions, and our shared responsibility as members of a nation for what has been done in the name of that nation. The former gives rise to guilt, the latter to shame.

This Report is not about random acts of individuals who are no longer alive. It is about actions of this nation. Removal was a systematic process carried out under the laws and policies of Australian Governments, their officials and churches. It is true that few non-Indigenous Australians alive today were personally involved in removing Indigenous children. But as members of the Australian nation we share responsibility for what our nation has done and does.

The Report, and the people who gave evidence to the Inquiry are not asking non-Indigenous Australians to feel guilty. They are looking to Australians of today to listen to, understand and acknowledge a part of Australia’s history which has remained largely hidden.

This is no different and the same principles must be applied to what happened to Indigenous families.


 

The people the Inquiry spoke to are not representative. The Inquiry was biased and only spoke to people who had bad experiences.

The National Inquiry was widely advertised and publicised throughout Australia and open to all people to give evidence. The Inquiry visited every state and territory capital and most regions in Australia. People were invited to give evidence in whatever form they chose, including oral testimony in a public hearing or in private, written or taped evidence, or having someone else speak on their behalf. Evidence was taken from Indigenous people who were removed and their families; government and church representatives; former mission staff; foster and adoptive parents; doctors and health professionals; academics; police and others.

The Inquiry also conducted extensive searches and analysis of historical documents and records which substantiated its findings about policies of removal and the lives of Indigenous people separated from their families.

In fact, some people who gave evidence spoke of their positive experiences, for example of the love and care they received from foster or adoptive parents or nuns. Those recollections are all reported. However, while the bonds they formed went some way in helping them overcome the damaging effects of removal, they wished they had not been taken from their own families.


 

This was the welfare era - lots of children were taken away - from poor families or from single mothers, not just Indigenous children. What is the difference between Indigenous children being taken away and any other children?

Removal of Indigenous children is a unique case. Many children were taken from their mothers under duress and against their will. It was a matter of national policy to separate Indigenous children from their families. Indigenous children were removed en masse simply because they were Indigenous. The justification for their removal was unique. The methods of removal were unique. The consequences of their removal are unique. No other group of Australians had their children taken away on the massive scale that is the case for Indigenous Australians.

(a) Different justification

The justification for removing Indigenous children was entirely different to other types of removal. In the main it was not about fearing for the child’s safety or their health or about saving the child from neglect.

The Inquiry found that the predominant aim of indigenous child removals was the absorption or assimilation of the children into the wider, non-Indigenous community so that their unique cultural values and ethnic identities would disappear, giving way to western culture. There was a clear and explicit intention to eliminate Indigenous cultures as distinct entities.

The dominant ethos was that there was nothing of value in Aboriginal culture - all the value lay in European culture.

It was thought that so called "pure bred" Aboriginal people would naturally die out, and that "half-castes" particularly those with fairer skin could be "merged" into the broader community. So the justification for removing children was that if they lived like non-Indigenous people, with non-Indigenous people, they would leave their Aboriginality behind.

To this end, Indigenous children once removed were transported by cattle trucks, buses, trains and planes from one side of the country to the other. Their families were often not allowed to know where they had been taken and were prevented from visiting them or corresponding with them.

Non-Indigenous children may have been removed because their families failed to meet the standards and values of middle class welfare workers. Aboriginal children were removed because of their Aboriginality.

(b) Different legal regimes and discriminatory practices

Removal of Indigenous children took place under separate ‘protectionist legislation’ in most states. Under this legislation government officials acting under the authority of the Chief Protector or the relevant Welfare Board had absolute power over Indigenous children and could simply order the removal of an Indigenous child without having to prove to a court that the child was neglected. These legislative regimes remained in place until 1954 in Western Australia, 1957 in Victoria, 1962 in South Australia, 1964 in the Northern Territory and 1965 in Queensland.

In some cases this legislation permitted the removal of Indigenous children on the grounds of race alone.

Even after specific protection legislation was repealed, it was far easier to remove Indigenous children. For example after 1940 Indigenous children in NSW were removed under general child welfare law where they were found to be ‘neglected’, ‘destitute’ or ‘uncontrollable’. The evidence showed that welfare officials and courts applied these terms far more easily to Aboriginal children than non-Aboriginal children.

(c) The extent of removal

No other group of people have been subjected to removal on this scale. In the period 1919-1972, between one in three and one in ten Indigenous children were forcibly removed from their families and communities. (p. 37)

This means that removal was not something that happened to some people, or someone you had heard about. There is hardly and Indigenous family or community that has not been directly affected. Families and communities lived in constant fear for the children who might be taken away - and constant grief for those already gone.

(d) Effects

Removed children were not allowed to know anything about their origins or their Indigenous heritage. Their names were changed. They were not allowed to speak their own languages and were punished for doing so. Many were never told they were Indigenous and were in fact inculcated with the racist beliefs of the non-Indigenous people around them.

All children taken from their families are justified in feeling the gravity of that loss. But the effects of removal on Indigenous children removed and on Indigenous Australia as a whole are also unique. Indigenous children did not only lose their families. They lost their languages, their cultures, their native title rights and their identities. Many were taught to hate the people to whom they belonged and so taught to hate themselves.

There would not be an Indigenous family in Australia which has not been touched by removal policies. Removal policies did not just effect individuals or individual families. The entire fabric of Indigenous communities have been damaged. Whole communities have lost their confidence in bringing up children, and have been denied one of their most important and precious roles.

The fact that removal was a policy of non-Indigenous Australia, directed at Indigenous Australia means that it has not just damaged individuals, families and communities. It has damaged the integrity of Indigenous Australia as a whole, and the nature of the relationship between Indigenous and non-Indigenous people.


 

Many of the children were living in destitute conditions with alcoholic unstable parents. They were removed for their own good.

This question reflects the very stereotypes which were used to justify taking Indigenous children away in the first place - that is that their parents were drunks, itinerant, untrustworthy, immoral and unfit to bring up children. The Inquiry found that they were removed because they were Aboriginal. There were no appeal rights.

Lighter-skinned children were sometimes taken while their dark skinned siblings were left in supposed destitute conditions.

It is true that many Aboriginal families whose children were taken lived in great poverty. But poverty is not a ground for removal.

The polices and practices of removal and separation thought at the time to be in the best interests of the children are now widely accepted to have been misconceived and the cause of lasting damage.

Far from being saved from neglect or destitution, many were imprisoned in institutions without enough food, enough clothes and without love.

And far from being protected, the evidence shows that Indigenous children were victims of systematic abuse. Almost a quarter of witnesses to the Inquiry who were fostered or adopted reported being assaulted there. One in five reported being sexually abused. One in six of those sent to institutions reported physical assault and one in ten reported sexual abuse.

And far from being offered a good education and opportunities, most received just enough of an education to prepare them for menial labour. Many were sent to white families at a very young age as farm hands or domestic servants where they were paid little if any wages. Wages were frequently placed in trust for them ,but many never saw the money they had earned.


 

Indigenous children who were removed were offered opportunities they would not otherwise have had. Many got a good education and now hold leadership positions.

The bulk of evidence detailed damaging and negative effects. But even those submissions which acknowledged love and care or education said that they wished they had not had to make the sacrifices that they did.

Australian Bureau of Statistics research shows that people separated from their families rate no better than those not seperated on social indicators such as education, employment and income. However those removed were twice as likely to have been arrested more than once in the last five years, and they suffer more health problems.

Education was limited. Children were sent out to work as domestics and labourers from as young as twelve years.


 

At the time well-intentioned people thought they were doing the right thing by the children. You cannot judge the past from the perspective of the present.

The Inquiry was careful to evaluate past actions in the light of values and legal standards operating at that time - not from today’s point of view. It found that those actions were contrary to Australia’s own common law, were breaches of international law, and contradicted many of the values held by Australians at that time.

The Inquiry found that removal policies and the legal regimes under which they operated were racially discriminatory and genocidal. The international community, including Australia has officially condemned these gross violations of human rights since at least 1945. The United Nations Charter says that the United Nations shall promote:

 

universal respect for, and observance of human rights and fundamental freedoms for all without distinction as to race, sex, language or religion (Article 55)
Australia ratified the Charter in 1945. In fact, Australia was one of the countries which led the world in forging an international human rights regime.

Racial discrimination was condemned as a violation of human rights in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights of 1948 and the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination of 1965. Genocide was declared a crime against humanity in a UN resolution of 1946 and the Genocide Convention was adopted in 1948.

Even then, these instruments simply formalised well established values. They did not create human rights, or invent their condemnation. They affirmed them. The Genocide Convention for example expressed a shared international outrage about genocide, and gave any country the power to prosecute those who perpetrated genocide.

Australia ratified the Genocide Convention and has been party to all the key instruments condemning racial discrimination.

Nevertheless Australia continued to remove Indigenous children under discriminatory regimes, and continued its genocidal practices well after all of those standards were endorsed by the international community, and well after they had been wholeheartedly accepted by our own Governments.

Historical documents clearly show that Australian officials knew that removal policies contravened international human rights obligations.

Even within Australia, many people objected to the practices and pointed out their immorality. The Report documents this opposition.


 

What good is compensation going to do? And how can you compensate losing your family or culture with money?

The Inquiry found that the only appropriate response to victims of gross human rights violations is one of reparation. Reparation is more than monetary compensation. As many Indigenous witnesses themselves say, monetary compensation is at most a minor issue. Acknowledgement, apology, recognition and reassurance that these policies will never again be endorsed by governments and welfare systems are the fundamental keys to reconciliation.

Reparation is not a privilege. It is a recognition of wrong done and of the requirement to recognise and compensate for that wrong.

Other countries have set precedents on this issue of reparation. In May 1997 the President of the United States apologised to those African American men who had been abused in syphilis experiments in the United States. In 1994 the Canadian Royal Commission recommended that reparation be made to the Inuit people of the High Arctic who were forcibly relocated in 1953-4. It called on the Canadian Government to acknowledge the wrongs done and apologise to those relocated, and to reach a settlement on the amount and form of redress.

In a situation which parallels the issues dealt with in the Inquiry, Swiss Romany victims of forcible child removal have been awarded a lump sum amount by way of compensation.


 

What is genocide? What happened here wasn’t the same as Nazi Germany.

The Genocide Convention of 1948, which Australia signed, defines genocide as acts that intend to destroy, in whole or in part, a racial group by killing them or causing them serious bodily or mental harm, or by inflicting appalling conditions of life on them, or sterilising them, or by forcibly transferring children of the group to another group.

You don’t have to kill or move to exterminate to commit the crime. Any one of these five acts is genocidal.


Last updated: 7 October 1997